Scholz and Macron are akin to wine and sparkling water.

Scholz and Macron are akin to wine and mineral water.

"So lala" is a German phrase that translates to the French expression. It accurately describes the relationship between Germany and France. Scholz and Macron don't see eye to eye. Both leaders make an effort, but it's not easy.

Some critics and opponents of Olaf Scholz share a humorous story about the present-day German chancellor. The story goes like this: At the end of a meeting in Paris, French President Emmanuel Macron invited his German counterpart for a glass of wine. Scholz declined, saying he was tired and had to sleep. Macron, it is said, took it as an insult. Whether the story is true or not is hardly important because it makes a statement from Scholz's detractors: The pragmatic German missed an opportunity to build or strengthen the emotional bond between the two countries. Likewise, what leader turns down the chance to drink from the wine cellar of the Elysee Palace?

On Tuesday, the two leaders meet again at Schloss Meseberg for the German-French government consultations. This event pushes the question of the state of friendship between the two countries to the forefront. Along with the usual traditions of judging the German chancellor, there's the additional question: Does he or she also harbor a deep admiration for the German-French relationship in their heart?

There are numerous occasions in history when images of friendly relations have been engraved in the minds of people: Helmut Schmidt chatting with Valery Giscard d'Estaing, Helmut Kohl and Francois Mitterrand holding hands at Verdun's Soldiers' Cemetery, and Gerhard Schroeder and Jacques Chirac arm-in-arm at the Normandy Landings commemoration. The history of amity between Germany and France is also about the personal relationship between the German chancellor and the French President. And this relationship has rarely been as challenging as in the years of Olaf Scholz and Emmanuel Macron.

The machine is running, but not as smoothly as it should be

Before heading to Meseberg, Macron paid a state visit in May to commemorate the 75th anniversary of the German constitution, the first French head of state to do so since 2000. He spoke in Germany at the Bundestag while mourning the death of Wolfgang Schäuble in January. Macron even ate a fish sandwich when he met Scholz in his hometown of Hamburg. Macron highly values the alliance with Germany.

Macron is keen on Germany.

The friendship between Olaf Scholz and Emmanuel Macron is good, but not exceptional. They've encountered each other at many events, including bilateral meetings, G7 and G20 summits, EU, and NATO events. They also have regular phone calls, especially concerning the Ukraine situation. It appears that the Franco-German engine of the European Union is running seamlessly, but it's more hitching than faultless when one looks closer: from defense and Ukrainian politics to the EU's development and foreign trade, energy policies, and relations with the United States - Berlin and Paris have conflicting goals. Disagreements between the two capitals often arise.

In March of this year, Scholz insisted: "Emmanuel Macron and I have a fantastic personal relationship - I would even say it's very friendly." He may be right from his perspective: he doesn't seem to be close with the heads of government or heads of other countries. Heike Boese, an NTV reporter who's known Scholz for years, recalls the chancellor as "two very different personalities." "Scholz enjoys being the cool Hanseatic who doesn't let anything bother him," says Boese, "and Macron enjoys cultivating his emotional and temperamental image." These inconsistent personalities don't get along.

In his book, "A German Chancellor," journalist Daniel Bros서lker describes a joint appearance at the Sorbonne University. "The Chancellor and the President briefly embrace, shake hands. That's already a lot," Bros서lker writes. "Scholz dislikes big gestures and distances himself from emotional closeness." French media comments that both heads have difficulties finding common ground due to their contrasting styles. Macron is criticized for his love of pathos, whereas Scholz is viewed as cold and aloof from a French point of view.In German Media.

Recently, personal differences between France and Germany have added drama to their content. In January 2023, France proposed providing light tanks, which could potentially jeopardize the Western allies' commitment to militarily support Ukraine. Moreover, Scholz reacts negatively to pressure, real or perceived, while igniting a joint European air defense project with other European countries. This would've been unimaginable under Merkel. Macron's suggestion of leading Europe under the protection of the French nuclear arsenal is dismissed by the Chancellery.

Macron also causes friction by not ruling out the deployment of Western forces in Ukraine towards the end of February 2023. The German government firmly denies this proposal. Scholz and Macron then publicly criticize each other. In France, the conflict is interpreted as a power struggle for European leadership, with both wanting to be seen as a strong figure and cautious. This is concerning for Putin.

A worrying aspect for Berlin is Macron's strong declarations but lack of action. The Ukraine Support Tracker by the Kiel Institute for the World Economy reveals that Germany has committed 10 billion euros in military aid while France, as the second-largest EU economy, is at 2.7 billion euros - behind Denmark, Poland, and the Netherlands. When the EU tries to coordinate joint arm purchases for Ukraine, Macron asks for restricted supplies from the EU, not the world market, prioritizing the domestic arms industry.

The public display of differences is extensive. In Brussels, the absence of unity between Paris and Berlin leaves room for others like Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, who has been seeking to influence policy in Brussels through working closely with Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, all while promoting Rome as a new power center in Europe.

While there have been tensions between the French president and the German chancellor, it's important to note that Schroeder and Chirac only aligned during their collective stance against the US invasion in Iraq. Sarkozy and Merkel set the foundation for their friendship during the euro crisis, despite initial irritations. Germany's historical ties with the United States versus France's autonomy, as well as economic national egoisms, is widespread in the relationship between the nations. The hallmark of the French-German friendship has long been a tireless pursuit of compromise.

Eric-Andre Martin, head of German-French studies at the French Institute for International Relations (Ifri), highlights the importance of the president-chancellor pair in mediating and representing German-French relations. "This pair is very significant for the mediation and embodiment of German-French relations," Martin shares with Euractiv. Clearly, both leaders value this representation, evident in their frequent meetings.

Despite the perceived bad blood, Martin says, "I believe that the relationship between the two is not nearly as bad as it's often portrayed, but they aren't particularly close in reality." With missed opportunities, though, they sometimes make up for them. Meseberg Castle also boasts a wine cellar.