What was the purpose of that, Mr. Merz?
Following their successful performance in the European elections, the CDU is now focusing on the state elections in Thuringia, Saxony, and Brandenburg. Party leader Merz has dismissed the possibility of a partnership with the BSW. This has put his party friends in a tricky position.
Sahra Wagenknecht and Friedrich Merz are not a match made in heaven. While Wagenknecht is a left-wing populist, pro-Putin, and against America, Merz is a declared transatlanticist who advocates for a firmer stance against Putin. Merz openly struggles with the term "left."
Naturally, Merz didn't see eye-to-eye with the BSW during a Sunday interview on ARD, stating, "We don't work with right-wing and left-wing parties together." Wagenknecht, of course, fits in both categories.
This stance may have been understood from Merz's perspective, but it may have been a blunder. Soon, vocal opposition arose against him, even within his own party.
In Thuringia, Saxony, and Brandenburg, the situation is different. In Thuringia, CDU leader Mario Voigt was interviewed by ntv.de, noting that the BSW is a "mysterious box" and claims that "what I hear about migration is much more realistic than what the Left says." Voigt admitted that Merz was speaking for the federal level. He hasn't entirely shut the door on a coalition.
The same situation is unfolding in Brandenburg. CDU state chairman Jan Redmann aspires to become Minister President. Redmann thinks that Merz isn't suitable for Brandenburg, but as in Thuringia, Redmann acknowledges that Merz is speaking for the federal level. He shares Voigt's desire to maintain the back door open.
In Saxony, Merz also received no approval. Michael Kretschmer, the CDU Minister President, wants to continue in his role. Kretschmer's solution: "The discussion of the coming weeks, months, and years must be: What do they want? For what are they running? Which party stands for what?" He's avoiding the issue.
Each state election presents the CDU with limited coalition options. The party doesn't want to collaborate with the AfD or the Left. Consequently, the BSW is a possible alternative. While the BSW shares some characteristics with the AfD and the Left, there's no exclusion resolution. Commonalities exist in the migration issue. In Saxony, it's plausible that only the CDU, AfD, and BSW will enter the state parliament, with the SPD and Greens falling short of the five percent hurdle. A comparable scenario could happen in Thuringia. If that's the case, what then?
Voigt, Redmann, and Kretschmer have implicitly left open the back door.
Has he spoken for the federal level?
Merz is aware of the situation. His defense is that he strictly spoke for the federal level. Supporters believe this. The Union won't be placed in an awkward spot by having to negotiate with the BSW. But when asked about the state elections in the three federal states, Merz was more explicit.
On Tuesday, Merz reiterated his position to journalists. Wagenknecht is "right-wing externally in some issues, left-wing externally in others." Merz emphasized, "I see no overlap in politics with this grouping at all." He contradicted Voigt's belief in the possibility of shared perspectives on migration. Merz concluded, "We'll have to see everything else in the light of election results." This leaves some leeway for interpretation — but not much.
Nevertheless, Merz's message remains clear: he's against the BSW. State leaders are for it. The CDU is showing signs of disunity. Merz's statement broadens the issue he wanted to make smaller than it was. Also, he's diverting attention from the traffic light debate's European election disaster.
Meanwhile, North Rhine-Westphalia's Minister President Hendrik Wüst hinted, "For the Union, it's clear that we won't ally with extremists. But I'd also advise against giving too many top-down directions to the local level."
Merz effectively divided his party.
