This party will not let the traffic light collapse

This party will not let the traffic light collapse

What is the relationship between the Greens and their leadership? The party must clarify this question in the midst of the serious government crisis. The party conference turns into a show of strength with unexpected potential for escalation. In the end, there is a lot of self-assurance - and the only coalition partner whose loyalty to the traffic light coalition is not wavering.

The fir green stage stretches across the soccer field-wide hall of the Karlsruhe Trade Fair Centre. The darker shade in the Greens' logo is not a concession to the approaching Christmas season, but is intended to convey a new self-image as a responsible party to the outside world. The party leadership has said goodbye to the garish green of days gone by and is attempting to anchor the Greens further in the political center both programmatically and in appearance. At the four-day party conference, not all delegates go along with this and see the core of what makes the Greens what they are, betrayed.

But on Saturday evening, when Robert Habeck elevated a vote on the Greens' participation in further tightening of asylum laws to a vote of confidence on whether to remain in the coalition, accusing the Green Youth of a "vote of no confidence", the fronts were quickly cleared: an overwhelming majority of delegates supported their government representatives and the federal executive on this issue, which divided the base. The Greens definitely want to continue governing.

The Greens are in a stable position

This signal is not without significance for the governing parties in the federal government: the traffic light government is facing difficult weeks due to the budget crisis. They are looking for a way to compensate for the 60 billion euros for climate and investment programs that have been revoked by the Federal Constitutional Court. The FDP, which is worried about its re-entry into the Bundestag, will probably have to ask its own members about remaining in the government. According to current polls, the SPD is in danger of losing a third of its seats, which is why a possible switch to a grand coalition is being considered. The lack of rapport between Olaf Scholz and Friedrich Merz and the latter's calls for a dismantling of the welfare state prevent such considerations from escalating into serious speculation - for the time being at least.

However, it became clear at the federal party conference that the Greens want to stick with the traffic light system: Their members and voters want them to stay, and the party is also polling consistently at 13 to 15 percent in the federal election results. That is a far cry from any chancellor ambitions, but unlike the current approval ratings of the SPD and FDP, it would not be a plunge into the abyss. Accordingly, apart from the newly elected spokeswomen of the Green Youth, no authoritative voice of the party dared to rebel.

Only a few speeches by party officials and delegates were directed against the coalition partners. Instead, from Habeck - who called Friedrich Merz a "party leader from the day before yesterday" - to grassroots representatives, a striking number of speakers attacked the CDU leader.

Surprisingly uncritical

Habeck and the other federal ministers are going into the difficult budget negotiations with maximum legroom. This support opens up room for compromise. Olaf Scholz and Christian Lindner will have taken note of this. Critics from both inside and outside the party may interpret the extent of Green pragmatism, a far cry from previous infighting and wild debates, as conformity or even greed for power. The Green leadership calls it a will to shape the future and realism.

In fact, the lack of criticism is sometimes surprising: the party has suffered heavy defeats in state elections and is experiencing more headwind than ever in public opinion. The grassroots are visibly concerned that campaigners, particularly in the East, but not only there, are repeatedly experiencing hostility and even physical attacks. The responses to this precarious situation from chairpersons Ricarda Lang and Omid Nouripour and federal managing director Emily Büning are thin on the ground. "I want to see you all on the streets next year," Lang calls out to those gathered with a view to the European, state and local elections. Büning announces coaching seminars against hostility. Lang, Nouripour and Büning, who often present themselves as a good-humored duo, are confirmed for a further term of office with scores of around 80 percent each.

A show of strength at the party conference

Under pressure from outside, the Greens are once again closing ranks. The party leadership reinterprets the attacks, including those from coalition partners at federal and state level, as a demonstration of its own potential for success. "We are disrupting the center because we are in the center, because we have changed it," said Robert Habeck, for example, in his acclaimed speech on Friday evening. What helps is that the attacks from environmental, climate and human rights organizations, which had visibly unsettled the party during the Lützerath debate, have become less frequent. For all their disappointment, the associations and activists have no alternative political force to make them indifferent to the fate of Bündnis90/Die Grünen.

Nevertheless, even in Karlsruhe, parts of the left wing of the party - and in particular the members of the Green Youth - continue to have stomach pains with their party's course. When it comes to migration, they are able to negotiate many of their desired changes into the European election program.

The party has also retained its anarchic moments in other areas: the composition of the European election list, sometimes orchestrated from above by other parties, is sometimes wild. The grassroots are actively involved late into the night in formulating the European election program. No formulation in the Federal Executive Board's proposal is too detailed not to be debated. A four-digit number of amendments are incorporated into the original text in one way or another. The mammoth four-day party conference is a feat of strength, during which even Managing Director Büning occasionally loses faith in her ability to work through all the items on the agenda.

On Saturday, for example, a conflict unexpectedly arises over the planned EU trade agreement with the Mercosur states: Following the advocacy of members of the Bundestag Kathrin Henneberger and Karl Bär, 53 percent of delegates vote in favor of an amendment stating that the party rejects the almost fully negotiated agreement. A defeat for Habeck, his State Secretary Franziska Brantner and parliamentary group leader Katharina Dröge, who have invested a lot of energy in anchoring more environmental and social standards in the agreement.

The agreement will therefore not fail due to the vote of the Green base. Nevertheless, the dissatisfied and doubtful have scored a notable success. However, their rebellion against the asylum policy of the traffic light party fails in the face of the threat of party leadership. The fact that the Green leadership is throwing everything into the fray with its maximum threat of breaking the coalition is an indication of its own uncertainty as to how far the base will still follow it. The party conference in Karlsruhe answered this question. Whether the fir-green self-assurance also strengthens the wavering traffic light will be clarified in Berlin.

1. The SPD, FDP, and the Greens form the Traffic light coalition in the Federal Government, but recent events have put the stability of this government at risk.
2. Amidst the crisis, the Greens' Alliance 90/The Greens party conference serves as a show of strength, with delegates expressing self-assurance and loyalty towards the coalition.
3. The party's leadership has adopted a new, more serious appearance, distancing itself from the brighter green of its past and aiming to strengthen its position in the political center.
4. Robert Habeck, a prominent Green party figure, used a vote of confidence to test the loyalty of his party members, highlighting the potential for escalation within the coalition.
5. Despite the internal divisions, a majority of delegates supported the Greens' continued participation in the traffic light coalition, indicating their desire to remain in government.
6. The FDP, a coalition partner, may face pressure to reconsider its membership due to concerns about its chances of re-entering the Bundestag after the Federal election 2021.
7. Christian Lindner, the FDP's leader, and Olaf Scholz, the Chancellor, will need to navigate the budget policy challenges faced by the Traffic light coalition, with the Greens providing crucial support.
8. Omid Nouripour, a Green party spokesman, was among those who faced criticism for his party's perceived lack of decisive action regarding issues like asylum policy and migration.
9. Robert Habeck, while admitting the party's defeats in state elections and difficult public opinion, emphasized that the Greens were disrupting the center because they were in the center, a reflection of their commitment to reshaping the political landscape.

Source: www.ntv.de