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The SPD draws boundaries for von der Leyen before the EU elections.

Meloni's absence means increased investments.

Von der Leyen and Scholz get along well - but not at any price from the SPD's point of view.
Von der Leyen and Scholz get along well - but not at any price from the SPD's point of view.

The SPD draws boundaries for von der Leyen before the EU elections.

The potential re-election of Ursula von der Leyen as EU Commission President hinges on the backing of the Social Democrats. In a pre-election declaration, the SPD laid out five requirements for the next EU Commission to progress: intensifying the single market, shaping an industrial policy, fostering more European defense alliances, and merging energy resources. To solidify their stance, the SPD voiced their disapproval of any right-wing extremist support for von der Leyen.

With less than a week to go before the European election, the SPD's International Commission, under the leadership of SPD chief Lars Klingbeil, issued a position paper that advocates for these above initiatives. They also highlighted their rejection of any cooperation with pro-European parties if von der Leyen seeks their support. This could be an issue for von der Leyen, who previously mentioned the possibility of relying on a conservative majority led by the right-wing Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni's Fratelli d'Italia.

The SPD's paper pointedly states that "a President of the European Commission who or she stakes their support on the enemies of democracy and the rule of law will not receive the European Social Democrats' approval." This echoes an earlier statement from the European Social Democrats, condemning partnership with far-right factions like ID and ECR. Comprising such parties as Marine Le Pen's French National Rally, Spanish extremists Vox, and Meloni's own Fratelli d'Italia, these factions pose a significant threat to European democracy and the rule of law.

Legitimizing far-right parties would be a concerning precedent for von der Leyen, whose first term proved controversial in that regard. While not completely ignoring them, von der Leyen hesitated in her response to Poland's long-ruling PiS and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban's Fidesz, which had both eroded democracy and the rule of law in their respective countries. Despite her protests, these issues remained contentious. Only when the PiS lost the last election did the Commission halt the contract violation procedure started against it.

Von der Leyen needs to consider alternative options if the conservative, social democratic, and liberal votes don't form a sufficient majority. The greens or right-wing parties could potentially provide her with enough support. However, her sustainability initiatives would greatly conflict with the views held by many conservatives and liberals. Yet the European Greens align with the SPD in supporting the Green Deal, aiming for a largely CO2-free Europe.

On top of the aforementioned demands, the SPD also emphasized the need to promote efforts that will make Europe the first climate-neutral continent and the leading economic area for climate technologies and renewable energies. They are pushing for an expanded Energy Union to advance the shared use of electricity and hydrogen networks along with energy storage systems to reduce Europe's reliance on fossil fuel providers.

Additionally, the SPD expects protection of democracy and the rule of law during the next Commission's term. The SPD has previously reported the deficiencies of von der Leyen's handling of Poland's PiS and Hungary's Fidesz. And, if a compromise can't be reached with conservatives and liberals on the greens' key policies, they've vowed to maintain their stance.

As for the financial side of things, the SPD hasn't specified any revenue sources or common debts in their five demands. The 723 billion euro NextGenEU package, set up post-pandemic, remains accessible until the end of 2026, but it has only allocated a third of the total amount thus far.

Except for expressing the intention to discuss financial contributions, the SPD's paper shares much in common with Klingbeil's October speech at the Tiergarten conference of the SPD-associated Friedrich-Ebert Foundation. There, he touched upon the importance of public investments for the renewal and modernization of Europe's economy, and he expressed readiness to explore European revenues and communal debts.

Thus, the SPD is determined to prioritize their five initiatives and, in turn, the transformation and modernization of Europe's economy, while also requiring an unwavering commitment to democracy and the rule of law. Von der Leyen's future role in the European Commission rests on her ability to align with these views.

The European Social Democrats' plans for the European Defense Union match those proposed by French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz recently. These leaders have also endorsed the implementation of majority decisions in matters of foreign and monetary policy, as requested by the SPD from the Commission. So far, the unanimity principle has prevailed in these areas, granting notorious blockers like Orban considerable leverage.

The SPD is the second-largest political grouping in the European Parliament, with 139 out of 751 representatives. Within the social democratic faction, the SPD is the second-biggest national contingent after the Spanish Socialists, with 16 members.

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