The demonstration of East Germans being subjected to victimization serves as evidence of the power and influence of the radicals.
The results of the elections in Saxony and Thuringia reveal a significant distrust towards the democratic system. Contrary to this, the living conditions, even in the Eastern regions, don't align with this sentiment. Surprisingly, instead of challenging this misconception, the political mainstream is contributing to future anxiety and exaggerated expectations. This can only lead to disastrous outcomes.
The staggering 40 to 50 percent vote share for extremist and populist parties in Saxony and Thuringia has left many searching for reasons. However, the discussion often circles back to the same old narrative of Easterners being the losers of German reunification. Instead of holding the people accountable, even the centrist parties continue to reinforce the Easterners' self-perception as eternal victims. But what else can this reinforcement produce except more resentment towards the existing system and more support for far-right parties?
Certainly, the effects of the Wende years, the uncertainty, ignorance, and arrogance, still linger between Sassnitz and Plauen. It's true that living conditions are still unequal and may never be equal. Moreover, the East has a representative issue due to majority ratios in the country. All these points are valid. But do they really explain the deep-seated distrust in the democratic system, particularly evident in the AfD vote? The East is voting more extremist than ever, despite experiencing unprecedented prosperity in many areas. Even, it's becoming a future region: Renewable energy is produced here, electric cars are being manufactured, and soon, chips and semiconductors will too. Unemployment has been low for years, and some who left, are even returning.
A special resonance for half-truths
To be fair, there is a widespread expectation in the East that the state will improve conditions, with a low willingness to contribute personally. Volunteer work for sports clubs, fire departments, and village festivals is still popular. However, few want to engage with local politics. Consequently, people are less connected to the democratic system of the Federal Republic: Compromise is undervalued, democracy is equated with the one-sided enforcement of majority interests, and understanding for the complexity, slowness, and effort of democratic processes is weaker.
This is the breeding ground for the AfD, BSW, and even Saxony's CDU Minister President Michael Kretschmer, who constantly tell people: Everything is terrible in Germany, and there are only idiots in Berlin. All three parties have framed the state elections as a reckoning with the traffic light coalition. Kretschmer even went further in his criticism of the Greens than the AfD. He presented the federal government as completely incompetent and at worst, malicious towards the people. Isn't it predictable that people in perceived great distress will vote for radical parties that stand for the maximum contrast to everything that exists?
Is it? And the CDU has not managed to win over a single AfD voter. Instead, it has set itself an unrealistic expectation that it could not possibly meet after a federal election victory next year. These are complex times that require complex government constellations involving at least three parties. Nurturing the hope for a clean slate, however, will not contribute to the moderate forces. For example, describing migration, even the chaotic refugee flows of 2015 and 2016, solely in negative terms ultimately only confirms the AfD's narrative. Fueling fears, in fact, weakens democracy.
Discontent and disappointment with the federal government are high across the country. However, the East is quicker to turn against the political establishment due to a lack of basic trust in and commitment to centrist parties. The disappointment with the Scholz government's competence and public image is understandable. However, the naive optimism of many Eastern voters is astonishing. The widespread racism is even more so. Germany cannot isolate itself from the profound changes in the world, continue to operate as before, and remain aloof from the power struggles between the US, China, and Russia. Yet, parties that promise this receive significantly more support in the East than in the West.
The election results in Saxony and Thuringia reflect a profound fear of the future - whether it's war with Russia, immigration, the transition to renewable energy, or other changes. A competition to exploit and amplify these fears, as these elections have shown, ultimately weakens all centrist parties. And without parties that seek compromise, the liberal democracy we know is at risk. Politicians from East and West often claim that Eastern Germans have a particularly keen sense for the truth. If that's the case, then politics should challenge them with these truths - rather than treating them as victims of routine patronization, which they are not.
The elections to the Landtag of Thuringia also saw a notable shift towards extremist and populist parties, echoing the trends in Saxony. This further deepens the distrust towards the democratic system, as many Easterners perception of being marginalized persists.
Despite the economic prosperity and development in the East, the continued disparity in representation in the country's political landscape remains a point of frustration among many voters, contributing to the surge in extremist and populist support.
