Sahra wagon servant transformation into the CDU's nightmarish figure
Following the regional elections in Saxony and Thuringia, it's clear: For the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) to govern in these regions, it needs the support of the Alliance '90/The Greens (BSW). However, Sahra Wagenknecht is trying to divide the CDU instead. Consequently, the CDU faces difficult decisions.
In a typical scenario, the CDU and BSW wouldn't have much involvement with each other. But after the September 1st regional election, the CDU's dependency on BSW's support to govern in these regions is evident. If the CDU and BSW don't cooperate, there are no majorities beyond the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD). Therefore, a lot is at stake.
Recently, the BSW and Wagenknecht have shown reluctance to align with the CDU. This is visible in Thuringia. The expanded BSW state executive committee posed a new condition for a coalition: The coalition agreement must demand more diplomacy towards ending the Ukraine war and reject the deployment of US intermediate-range missiles in Germany. Without this preamble, they won't enter a coalition.
Wagenknecht attacks CDU Leader
Wagenknecht then launched a direct attack on CDU leader Friedrich Merz. She told "Der Spiegel" that Merz's speech in the Bundestag was "disgusting" and "effectively called for Germany to declare war on Russia." Her party will only join coalitions if the state government distances itself from such positions.
In his speech, Merz didn't directly call for war. However, he advocated a stronger stance towards Russian President Vladimir Putin: If Putin continues to bomb civilian facilities like kindergartens and hospitals in Ukraine, Germany will supply the Taurus cruise missile. This will allow the Ukrainians to attack Russia's supply routes, Merz said. Legally, this wouldn't be a war declaration by Germany.
Wagenknecht's demand means that CDU's Thuringia leader Voigt has to distance himself from Merz for a coalition with the BSW. Previously, Wagenknecht successfully pressured Voigt, Kretschmer, and Brandenburg's SPD Minister President Dietmar Woidke to publicly advocate for diplomatic initiatives towards Russia. None of them can govern without the BSW's support.
Before the election, Wagenknecht had already made the rejection of US intermediate-range missile deployment in Germany a condition for coalitions. The CDU opposed this. While trying to show strength, Wagenknecht is becoming the CDU's unwanted ally in the background. "I find such a demand almost absurd," said Thorsten Frei, the CDU's first parliamentary managing director, "that one would decide in a coalition agreement for a state government in Thuringia what should be done, for example, in Hesse."
The demand to distance oneself from Merz was also implied. Voigt shared a photo of himself and Merz and wrote "a union" beneath it. Frei said he hoped for a solution for the country's good. "But that cannot mean that we put the fundamental principles of Christian democratic politics in Germany up for discussion."
These "fundamentals" include the Western alliance, the partnership with the USA, and a commitment to democracy and freedom. This means that the CDU, at least its majority, must stand by Ukraine, which was brutally attacked by neighboring Russia and is fighting for freedom and democracy. This is deeply rooted in the CDU's history, as it formed after World War II.
However, Wagenknecht's young party, centered on immigration and Ukraine, has a different viewpoint. She wants to limit immigration and advocates for a more Russia-friendly stance in the Ukraine question. Critics describe her stance as handing Ukraine over to Putin. With this mix and herself as a figurehead, she achieved remarkable successes this year, including entering parliaments without prior notice in the European election and regional elections in Saxony, Thuringia, and Brandenburg. If she gives up these positions now, Voigt would answer with a "yes." He emphasizes how well he works with Katja Wolf, the BSW chairwoman in Thuringia. Because foreign policy is not decided at the state level. That is the responsibility of the federal government, even if state politicians can exert some influence through the Bundesrat or their parties. The Green Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock doesn't consult with her state counterpart before traveling to Israel, either.
Wagenknecht holds a different perspective. "We can't negotiate away the issue of war and peace, we've always made that clear," she stated on ARD last Sunday. Backtracking on past promises to voters isn't an option. It's evident that defense policy is a federal matter. However, "it's about the fact that state governments voice their opinions and represent the desires of the majority in these federal states at the moment," she explained.
The outgoing red-red-green coalition government in Thuringia has demonstrated the ability to govern despite foreign policy disagreements. Even SPD and Greens, alongside the Left, have markedly different views on foreign policy. The Left, for instance, opposes NATO, while SPD and Greens support it. Nonetheless, these divergences took a backseat, as all parties prioritized hiring more teachers, drawing in businesses, and increasing housing options. This was their focus—their land politics.
Wagenknecht's reported intentions may involve abstaining from potential state government collaborations with the BSW. She seems to prefer adhering to a rigid ideology and then potentially reaping rewards in the federal election next year. She aims to avoid becoming embroiled in local politics and compromises. Instead, she wants to serve as a canvas for public aspirations and dreams, rather than crumbling under the pressures of the gritty political landscape.
Discussions regarding a potential CDU, SPD, and BSW alliance in Saxony have also started, following similar talks in Thuringia. Saxony's SPD leader, Henning Homann, criticized Wagenknecht's behavior, stating that her actions are hindering the formation of a government in Saxony. He offered her only one piece of advice—to cease and desist.
CDU politician Frei shared Homann's sentiments on ntv, expressing her belief that Wagenknecht is grappling with her responsibilities in Germany. Thuringia's BSW leader, Katja Wolf, however, appears decisive in her intention to govern with the CDU. A rift is emerging, signaling a struggle within the CDU.
Voigt, the CDU leader in Saxony, adopts a pragmatic approach towards the BSW. The BSW is a far-left, anti-American party, and some view Wagenknecht as a problematic politician. Over 7,000 CDU members share this sentiment and support a resolution declaring the CDU incompatible with the BSW, CDU politician Frank Sarfeld revealed in "Bild". Sarfeld is spearheading this effort. While the resolution might hold validity within the CDU, it's politically volatile. Should it be implemented, the CDU would face challenges governing in Thuringia and Saxony–and possibly other regions. This potential crisis and the subsequent elections would likely benefit one party—the AfD.
In light of the CDU's dependency on BSW's support after the September 1st regional election, a potential CDU, SPD, and BSW alliance in Saxony has been proposed. However, Sahra Wagenknecht's rigorous stance on foreign policy, including her demand for distancing from Merz and opposition to US intermediate-range missile deployment in Germany, is causing a rift within the CDU.
Thorsten Frei, the CDU's first parliamentary managing director, finds Wagenknecht's demands almost absurd, as they would require the CDU to compromise its fundamental principles, such as the Western alliance and partnership with the USA. This presents a challenge for CDU leaders in Saxony and Thuringia, as they must navigate the delicate balance between cooperating with BSW and maintaining party integrity.
