Lukashenko sticks to his plan for widespread Russification.
In terms of language, symbols, or cultural institutions, Moscow has been chipping away at Belarusian identity for an extended period, particularly since 2022. As Nobel laureate Svetlana Alexievich laments, "I'm conscious that our Belarus is occupied." Analyst Friedman similarly observes, "The Kremlin does not shy away from costs and engages on a grand scale."
This academic year, Mikalaj has a fresh moniker. His Belarusian teachers now call the 15-year-old "Nikolai," the Russian equivalent. The language of instruction has also transformed. Mikalaj, or Nikolai, is now obliged to communicate in Russian instead of Belarusian.
"It's evident that our children are intentionally being deprived of their native language, history, and Belarusian identity," remarks Mikalaj's father, who prefers to be known solely as Anatoli. "But we, the parents, have been strongly discouraged from asking about Russification."
Mikalaj's school is among the best in the nation. Belarus is experiencing extensive Russian influence in education, along with economics, politics, and culture.
This is not the initial instance of Belarusian identity being thrust back. Under the Tsars and in the Soviet Union, Russia imposed its language, symbols, and cultural institutions on Belarus. However, after the fall of the USSR in 1991, Belarus began to reclaim its identity. Belarusian was designated the official language, and the white-red-white national flag supplanted the Soviet-era flag.
A return to Soviet symbols under Lukashenko
This phase was brief. Upon assuming power in 1994, Alexander Lukashenko proclaimed Russian an official language alongside Belarusian and abolished national symbols. The flag introduced in 1995, without the hammer and sickle, bears a striking resemblance to the one from the Soviet era.
Lukashenko, who has governed autocratically for over three decades, is a devoted ally of the Kremlin and serves as a gateway for Russian influence. Belarusian is rarely heard on the streets of the capital, Minsk. Official business is conducted in Russian, and Russian dominates the media.
Belarus depends on Russian loans and favorable energy supplies. Politically and militarily, the Minsk government aligns itself with Moscow, enabling Russian President Vladimir Putin to station troops and weapons in Belarus for his conflict against Ukraine.
"I'm conscious that our Belarus is occupied," states Svetlana Alexievich, the Belarusian Nobel laureate living in exile in Germany. "The nation is humiliated, and it will be extremely challenging for the Belarusians to recuperate."
"The Russian language is my language"
Imposing Russian is one aspect. Lukashenko once told Russian state media that Putin thanked him for it. He replied, "The Russian language is my language." That's why it's only natural. Statements such as "Nothing great can be expressed in Belarusian" have also been ascribed to Lukashenko.
Even during Soviet times, the daily use of the Belarusian language waned, primarily preserved in the western and northern regions of the country and in rural areas. However, in 1994, around 40% of students were still taught in Belarusian. Today, it's approximately 9%. Despite both being East Slavic languages, their vocabularies differ significantly.
"The Belarusian language is increasingly viewed as a signal of political disloyalty and is being replaced by Russian in public administration, education, culture, and mass media, under pressures or out of fear of discrimination," said Anaïs Marin, the UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Belarus.
At the same time, Belarusian has become a "symbol of freedom," according to author Alina Nahornaja. More and more people are eager to speak Belarusian, but they are wary of doing so publicly. Mikalaj's school was one of the few in the country where some subjects were still taught in Belarusian.
"The Kremlin spares no expense"
There are now "Russia Houses" in four Belarusian cities, aiming to promote Russian culture and influence. They offer seminars, film clubs, exhibitions, and competitions. "The goal is to establish Russian narratives so that as many Belarusians as possible adopt Russian as their own," says analyst Alexander Friedman. "The Kremlin spares no expense and operates on a large scale." In a situation of information isolation, such as in Belarus, this can be particularly effective and hazardous.
In 2021, Putin published an article denying the existence of an independent Ukraine, adds Pavel Latushka, the former director of the Belarusian Janka Kupala Theater, now living in exile as an opposition figure. "Even then, it was clear that he had similar objectives in Belarus," says Latushka about Putin's aspirations. "The primary course was Ukraine," he explains, "a russified Belarus the dessert."
The European Union, viewing the situation with concern, has expressed its support for the preservation and promotion of Belarusian language and culture. In a recent statement, a EU spokesperson highlighted the importance of protecting linguistic diversity and upholding human rights in Belarus.
Moreover, some EU member states have initiated educational exchanges and cultural programs to strengthen the Belarusian identity and language skills among young people. These initiatives aim to provide an alternative perspective and foster a sense of unity among Belarusians, encouraging them to preserve their cultural heritage despite the ongoing pressures.
