A Hungarian political figure expresses intentions to dethrone Viktor Orbán.
In Hungary, the administration is once again being accused of nepotism. It's alleged that the leadership has bought vacant office buildings in Budapest, which belong to the son-in-law of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. A new political figure in Hungary is leveraging this situation.
Peter Magyar has quickly risen to become a significant threat to Viktor Orbán in Hungarian politics. Although Magyar was originally a member of Orbán's Fidesz party and was the former husband of long-time Justice Minister Judit Varga, making him a "favorite of the ruling party that controls all the power in the country," as "NZZ" describes him, he is a newcomer to top politics. The 43-year-old founded his Tisza Party just three years ago, and it's currently gaining popularity among the Hungarian people. In national polls, the new party is currently only a few percentage points behind Orbán's ruling Fidesz. In the June European elections, Tisza Party participated for the first time nationwide and received almost 30 percent of the votes, placing second. Peter Magyar entered the EU Parliament along with six other MEPs.
However, the Hungarian political newcomer has another goal: he wants to dethrone Viktor Orbán. A controversial case of nepotism might help him.
Suspicious deal surrounding Orbán's son-in-law
What transpired? In Budapest, three high-priced office complexes were built. The plan was that after the end of the coronavirus crisis, the economy would rapidly recover, and office spaces would once again be in high demand. However, the exact opposite happened: the Hungarian economy is recovering slowly, inflation is burdening consumption and demand, and many office buildings remain vacant. One such project, near Budapest's city park, was in danger of becoming a white elephant -- a financial disaster for the investors.
But then, the investors and owners suddenly found a buyer for the new buildings: the Hungarian government. Documents obtained by the organization Transparency International and reviewed by the economic portal Bloomberg suggest this.
The situation is delicate because the fund that owned the buildings is reportedly linked to Hungarian businessman István Tiborcz, who is Viktor Orbán's son-in-law.
Government as buyer? "Disregardable"
Peter Magyar suspects nepotism. He calls it "a sort of favoritism towards the family of the prime minister." Such practices, he claims, have led Hungary to the bottom of Transparency International's corruption ranking among EU member states.
The Hungarian government denies the accusations. It claims it wants to improve the working conditions of civil servants. Many government buildings are outdated, and it took advantage of a favorable opportunity to buy the office buildings, the Ministry of Economy told Bloomberg. Who the sellers are is "irrelevant," added Gergely Gulyás, head of the Prime Minister's Office. The price is also said to be commensurate: "Competitive in a regional comparison," Granit Asset Management, the asset manager of Orbán's son-in-law Tiborcz, told Bloomberg upon request.
According to Peter Magyar's calculations, the government has spent up to 650 billion forints (around 1.6 billion euros) on the three buildings. The Orbán critic recently asked how it could be that the government announces austerity measures in education, health, and culture, while at the same time "buying totally unnecessary office buildings from Orbán's son-in-law."
Magyar's not without controversy either
The strong poll numbers of the Tisza Party show that many Hungarians seem to share Magyar's perspective. However, whether the former Fidesz member can actually win a national election against the Orbán regime with his new party remains uncertain. The next parliamentary elections are still two years away.
And Orbán seems to have successfully manipulated the media landscape. "I couldn't appear on state television for over 210 days. That's what Orbán's democracy looks like," Magyar criticized recently at a press conference in Brussels with EPP group leader Manfred Weber.
But Magyar himself is not free of criticism. Fifteen years after his marriage to Judit Varga, who served as Hungary's Minister of Justice from 2009 to 2023, the couple announced their impending divorce in March 2023. A year later, in March 2024, there was an explosion when Magyar published a recording of a private conversation between the couple on Facebook to highlight corruption in the Hungarian government.
Varga accuses her ex-husband of blackmailing her with the recording for a year. During their marriage, he was verbally and physically aggressive towards her on several occasions. The publication of the recording just a few months before the European elections and on the eve of his political career has at least raised some eyebrows.
Orban brushes off all allegations, asserting, "It's none of our business how a project gets finished, and I don't wish to meddle in it." This was his casual response during a press conference in Brussels.
As for whether Orban can weather this predicament, it largely relies on how threatening Magyar becomes towards him in the future.
Peter Magyar's criticism of the alleged nepotism surrounding Prime Minister Viktor Orbán's son-in-law has gained traction among Hungarian political circles. The controversy revolves around the Hungarian government purchasing vacant office buildings in Budapest from a fund reportedly linked to István Tiborcz.
In light of the Hungarian government's acquisition of the office buildings, Peter Magyar accused the administration of favoritism towards the Orbán family, claiming it has contributed to Hungary's low position in Transparency International's corruption ranking among EU member states.
