Is Silicon Valley becoming a bastion of the right?
Since Donald Trump selected former startup investor and current crypto enthusiast J. D. Vance as his "running mate," Silicon Valley has been cheering. Is the tech industry shifting to the right? And what role does Peter Thiel play? Historian Margaret O'Mara provides context.
Capital: Donald Trump recently chose J. D. Vance, a former startup investor, as his vice-presidential candidate. How significant was this move for Silicon Valley?
Margaret O'Mara: For the part of Silicon Valley connected to Vance and supporting him, this was great news. Vance's professional and political career is largely due to Peter Thiel's support...
... the libertarian investor and PayPal co-founder.
Exactly. The role of vice president has varying degrees of influence. For instance, Al Gore had a lot to do with Bill Clinton and maintained close ties with Silicon Valley. But that's not always the case.
Lately, it seemed like Silicon Valley was politically shifting to the right. Is that true?
Thiel and his allies like Elon Musk don't even live in the Valley anymore. Meanwhile, it's still predominantly Democrats who are elected and receive donations there.
Thiel, Musk, and co. were once seen as representatives of a libertarian mindset. Have they shifted to the right?
No. Thiel and his allies like early PayPal manager David Sacks have consistently pursued their political line. They now have more visibility, money, and willingness to discuss it publicly. They've always been against the bureaucratic liberalism that the Democratic Party stands for, and against what was once called political correctness and now wokeness.
Meanwhile, influential investors like Marc Andreessen and Ben Horowitz have indeed changed their stance - they previously supported Democrats.
That's true. They represent a larger trend. In recent years, the relationship between Washington and the tech industry has changed. During the Obama administration, there was uncritical support for Silicon Valley, no matter what the companies did there. Now, Democrats and Republicans alike are criticizing tech giants more, and there are stronger regulatory and anti-monopoly efforts. This isn't well-received in the Valley. For Andreessen and Horowitz, who make money from startup investments, this atmosphere is dangerous - it goes against their business interests and techno-libertarian worldview.
Andreessen and Horowitz say they're not advocating for big tech, but for "little tech" - young, emerging startups.
Well, Marc Andreessen is still on Meta's board of directors. These men have amassed enormous wealth with big tech.
A topic many tech representatives bring up is the regulation of cryptocurrencies. Why is that so important?
For me, it's part of a new tech populism. It suggests that with Bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies, ordinary people can bypass big banks. Interestingly, it's mainly young men involved in this. Along with this is the fight against what Musk calls the "woke mind virus." Here, a sentiment among white men frustrated by an alleged unhealthy fixation on diversity and inclusion is tapped into.
Peter Thiel seems to be the mastermind behind the conservative tech revolution. What do we know about his worldview?
Thiel, as mentioned before, was never a pure libertarian in the vein of a Barry Goldwater or Ron Paul. Looking back at his speech at the 2016 Republican convention, one finds a remarkably nostalgic view of the Sputnik era and the space race - despite the significant state interventions in the market at the time. Thiel believes we need to refocus on such large projects, on "moonshots," instead of being distracted by questions of diversity or inclusion.
But there are even more radical ideas among the Thielists, aren't there?
There's a frustration with democratic processes and administrative bureaucracy. Ideas like a modern monarchy are floated. These are anti-democratic nationalists, and they say so openly.
What are they planning?
The Thielists have a complete assault on bureaucracy in mind, to tear it down or repurpose it for entirely different purposes. And there seems to be even more determination and focus for this endeavor than in 2016. Trump's most extreme instincts regarding seizing power and long-term system change are being encouraged.
Back to Vance - will he go along with all this as some kind of willing executor of the Thielists' plans?
That remains to be seen. When influential and wealthy entrepreneurs back and install someone, they don't always get exactly what they want. There will be conflicting loyalties. And J.D. Vance is an interesting figure: he's already had a long ideological journey. I can't imagine it ending here.
Margaret O'Mara spoke with Niklas Wirminghaus
This interview originally appeared on capital.de
Vance's support from the tech industry, particularly from figures like Peter Thiel, has boosted his campaign significantly within Silicon Valley. However, while some tech figures have shifted towards more conservative views, Democrats still hold a majority in the Valley and receive the majority of donations.
Despite Thiel's allies like Elon Musk no longer living in the Valley, they continue to advocate against bureaucratic liberalism and political correctness, aligning with the Republican Party's stance. Infamous tech investors Marc Andreessen and Ben Horowitz have changed their stance, initially supporting Democrats but now criticizing tech giants and advocating for "little tech" due to the dangerous atmosphere for their business interests.
